Last week, Elon Musk got a slap on the wrist from Italian president Sergio Mattarella, after he backed Italian prime minister Georgia Meloni’s policy of detaining foreign migrants in Albania. Musk had said certain Italian judges “need[ed] to go” because they questioned the legality of the detainment policy. The US-based entrepreneur’s support for Meloni has been growing since he attended her annual party in Rome last year. In September, Musk awarded Meloni with the Atlantic Council’s Global Citizen award in New York, reaffirming their mutual esteem.

In turn, Musk has become a cultural reference point for the Italian right, particularly under Meloni’s leadership. For years, Italian conservatives have struggled to find intellectual and cultural touchstones to match the influence of left-wing thinkers and movements. Musk provides them with a figure who embodies a new kind of “cultural futurism”. His embrace of technology, space exploration, and unfettered free speech offers the Italian right an intellectual sheen they have long sought.

An icon for the Italian right

In some ways, Musk echoes Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, the early 20th-century Italian poet and founder of the Futurist social movement. Both figures managed to capture the imagination of their respective eras with bold visions of technological progress and societal disruption. Marinetti’s Futurism was a rallying cry for speed, innovation, and a break with the past – ideals that aligned closely with the early Fascist movement’s desire for radical transformation. Similarly, Musk’s ventures in electric cars, space exploration, and social media have positioned him as the new standard-bearer of technological progress, appealing to those who see the future as a realm of limitless potential. Just as Marinetti’s Futurism provided the early Fascists with a cultural framework for their revolutionary zeal, Musk’s hyper-technological vision offers Meloni and her allies a blueprint for their own aspirations.

Musk could be both a liability and an asset for the Italian far-right. On the one hand, his focus on innovation could help drive European technological sovereignty. His electric car company, Tesla, is in talks with Rome about substantial investments in Italy, particularly in energy and automotive technology, which align with Meloni’s focus on boosting the country’s industrial base. On the other hand, his unpredictable nature could introduce instability, especially since his views diverge from mainstream European policies.

Foreign policy implications

The personal rapport between Musk and Meloni could have significant implications for Italy’s foreign policy. Both share hardline migration stances and see unchecked migration as a destabilising force. Musk’s social media could amplify views that align with Meloni’s rhetoric, potentially swaying public opinion in Italy and beyond. This could push the European Union into adopting even stricter border policies, a key goal for Meloni’s government.

One of the most pressing concerns is how Musk’s influence might shape Italy’s stance on the war in Ukraine. Meloni has been a staunch supporter of Ukraine, but Musk has courted controversy with a proposal to cede territory to Russia as part of a peace plan. His proposal could resonate with parts of Meloni’s base that are sceptical of prolonged engagement in the conflict. If Musk were to advocate for a more isolationist approach, for example, by suspending satellite internet services in Ukraine to encourage Kyiv to reach a settlement, it could embolden factions within Italy that wish to reduce support for Ukraine. Without Italian support, Europe would be in an even weaker position.

The Meloni-Musk relationship could also shape Italy’s ties with the United States. With Donald Trump in the White House, Rome’s close relationship with Musk could become a double-edged sword. Meloni could leverage her rapport with Musk and Trump to secure favourable bilateral deals, such as reducing tariffs on Italian exports. However, there is a risk that she might lean too heavily on these personal relationships, adopting a self-serving transactional approach rather than pushing for a united European front.

A wiser course

The shrewder strategy for Meloni would be to use her influence to build a strong European consensus, particularly in defence and technology policy. For example, instead of pursuing bilateral deals with the US that could fragment the EU’s negotiating power, Italy could take the lead in shaping a European response to the next administration in Washington. This would involve coordinating with France and Germany to form a cohesive strategy on issues ranging from China to digital sovereignty. However, Meloni’s nationalist inclinations may make it difficult for her to prioritise European unity over immediate national gains. She is more likely to fight for Italian products than Europe. In times of populism, any US tariffs on Parmigiano Reggiano would be a domestic failure for her.

For these reasons, European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen should collaborate with Meloni on US policy – precisely because of the Italian prime minister’s close links to Musk and US Republicans. If Meloni, von der Leyen, and NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte united, the EU would be in a stronger position. These three non-leftist personalities could earn Trump’s trust, easing collaboration with the new US administration. Simultaneously, a united European front could give them an edge in negotiations with Washington.

The Meloni-Musk partnership symbolises a new kind of futurism for the Italian right, one that seeks to redefine progress through the lenses of technology and national strength. However, for this vision to translate into tangible benefits, Meloni will need to balance her domestic priorities with broader European goals. Failure to do so could isolate Italy within the EU, turning a potential strategic advantage into a missed opportunity.